Small business fianical assignment Setting up a Business

Small business fianical Setting up a Business - Assignment Example With a population density of 1,419 people per square kilometer, the retail store will be run by 14 members of staff (10 employees and 4 directors). Such a team of dedicated employees will ensure that all the needs of the prospective customers are catered for. Customer loyalty will be maintained for future plans of expanding the business into a corporation. As a small business, the registration requirements are minimal. We will have to apply for a business license from the Municipal Government. The business license would ascertain that our business is legitimate and acceptable by the national government (Morris, p. 27). All the inventory items will be taxed under the Harmonized Sales Tax (HST) requirements for all sales in Canada. All goods have indirect tax attached to their price. As a small business, our liability to the HST requirements will be through the indirect tax imposed on all goods. However, the tax burden will be passed to the final consumers of the goods and services. They will have to cater for the indirect tax burden through the price charged. The municipal government will require that we pay monthly municipal tax. Such a tax is a requirement for all businesses. The tax will be used to cater for the well-being of the municipality. The fresh farm produce will be inspected by the public health department to ensure that the food commodities are fit for consumption. We will be required to have a certificate of quality check from the same department. If the business were a corporation, there would be significant set-up and filing changes as required by the central government. Setting up a corporation would require the following documents (Morris, p. 95); The corporation will be required to fill tax returns forms. All the sales that the corporation will make will be taxed according to the Harmonized Sales Tax requirements in Canada. In addition, the corporation will be required to fill the following

Otherness in Moby Dick Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Otherness in Moby Dick - Essay Example The capacity to reveal human nature within fiction is especially true when demonstrating various ways of life, or aspects of social culture. Quality fiction, regardless of when it was written or the length of the written text, can reveal significant aspects of human nature and thus reveal us to ourselves as we identify various elements of the story with our everyday lives. Literature such as Melville's novel Moby Dick or The Whale remind us that even when we feel we belong within a society, there are often elements of otherness that keep us separate. One of the first examples of Otherness found within the book is Ishmael's enforced relationship with Queequeg. Otherness is established when Ishmael checks into a very crowded whalers' inn, the Spouter Inn, at which the only accommodation to be had is a shared bed with a harpooneer. Although he agrees to the necessity easily enough, Ishmael begins to have strong misgivings about the idea as the night draws forward and he has yet to meet the man, "the more I pondered over this harpooneer, the more I abominated the thought of sleeping with him" (18). His feelings are not eased by hearing the strange stories that are told of this man selling heads that he picked up in New Zealand. Given the opportunity to look around the room before Queequag's arrival, Ishmael is also surprised by the strange things the harpooneer has in his possession such as "a parcel of outlandish bone fish hooks on the shelf over the fire-place" (22) and a strange object draped over a chest. Queequag's appearance does nothing to help him blend in either, described as "a dark, purplish, yellow color, here and there stuck over with large blackish looking squares" (23), which gives Ishmael cause for brief alarm. This alarm is only heightened by Queequag's strange bedtime ritual with the idol. Like many individuals, Ishmael's first reaction to Otherness is not an attempt to understand as much as it is an instinct to fear and flee. In spite of his misg ivings regarding the Otherness of his mysterious roommate, though, Ishmael is willing to work through them to discover more. This becomes clear as he tries on Queequag's poncho, which Ishmael describes as a doormat with a hole or slit in the middle, "I put it on, to try it, and it weighed me down like a hamper, being uncomfortably shaggy and thick" (22). This willingness to try on the unknown persona of another is what enables Ishmael to overcome his original aversion to the man himself once he finally appears. Because of this earlier willingness to think through the strangeness, Ishmael is quickly able to overcome his initial reaction to Queequag's appearance, "what is it, thought I, after all! It's only his outside; a man can be honest in any sort of skin" (23). Although he has numerous misgivings at first, Ishmael is able to recognize that Queequag's manner is gentle and kind. "For all his tatooings he was on the whole a clean, comely-looking cannibal" (26). Not only that, but Is hmael realizes Queequag is as much human as Ishmael himself and thus susceptible to all the same fears and misgivings Ishmael himself has been experiencing. Although he has come to accept Queequag's humanity by the next morning, when he wakes to find the savage's arm draped around him as

International Tourism - Sweden Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

International Tourism - Sweden - Essay Example These flows had sturdy environmental and economic consequences leading to enhanced shareholders within the tourism sector. These groups fit in to both the public and private sectors hence emerging a broader perspective of public account, which is compared internationally with the general actions of different financial activities. In Sweden, several factors comprising of substitute price, as well as comparative income was not well thought-out as an important criteria for establishing demand models of international tourism. Rather, meaningful events have been established for determining the demand models of tourism within Sweden. Other factors comprising of natural attractions, travel regulation of government, cultural significances and climate also influenced tourism demand of Sweden. Geographical Overview Basing on geographical nature of Sweden, the country is considered small but contains forests with approximately 100, 000 lakes, which attracted tourists (Goeldner et al., 2000). Sw eden is thought to be a parliamentary realm due to the presence of milder climate presented by the Atlantic Gulf Stream of Sweden. The most tourist attraction in Sweden is its uniqueness basing on new, intact, fertile thrilling countryside having attractive water and ever green vegetation site for tourists. Mountains on the other side also contribute to attracting visitors to the country. This was confirmed in the 19th century whereby the Alpine associations were the origin of the tourists’ institution. In the year 1885, the Sweden Touring Club became the major tourist’s attraction nationally. History of Sweden History is considered one of the major attractive magnitudes of tourist intentions and as well, it is a major tool that enhances distinctive experience of tourist (Goeldner et al., 2000). Legends, stories and the local historical sites of that country establish the enduring experience towards the country’s tourists. History is known to distinguish and as well bring together the United Nations and this resulted in another country visiting the other. This is because momentous move become the trendiest and as well, the country’s branded image are the thriving examples, which enhanced the application of historic sites as among the attracting features of the country. Tourists visited Falun copper mine in Sweden situated in the Dalarma province in the year 1615. A German visitor tripped it and a French envoy visited it in 1634. The mineralogist and an English doctor further visited the scene whereby the tourists’ book endured since 1760s and the duty guides were also present at that time within the mining site. Another tourist booklet, which draw attention towards the tourists in the first spa of Sweden dated back in 1682 and was named â€Å"Les divertissements de Medevji†. This booklet consisted of numerous sequences of transcripts and letters that were issued to the manor houses and castles. Culture According to Goe ldner et al. (2000), culture involve a group of behaviors, wants, basic values and perceptions discovered by the societal member within family and various significant institutions. All this established the general

Critique & Vanities Essay Example for Free

Critique Vanities Essay Written by an American, Jack Heifner â€Å"Vanities† is a story relating to three young girls from a little town called Texas. The lives of these three girls take a sharp turn in puzzling ways after a deeply intense period at school where they would spend good time flinging themselves into the air and making noises. The girls enjoyed their happy times and shared together but after going away from one another, they forgot everything and separately started their own means of survival. According to the playwright it seems that cheerleaders who are worshipped and envied in high school do not grow up and live charmed lives in their later years. The playwright begins by mentioning his three characters namely Lauren Kennedy, Sarah Stiles and Anneliese van der Pol who acted as cheerleaders sometimes back when they were in high school and college. All the three beautiful girls shown in this pleasant but forgettable play must weather the storm and trouble after putting away their pullovers and saddle shoes. The play begins in a conventional and inconsequential manner; however, it comes in a series of oral plays that are arranged in a sequential order. In the beginning of the play, the three characters are revealed as having a happy life in high school, socializing with one another and even sharing their happy times together. Kathy, who is living in the apartment, plans and organizes a get-together party for the three and though the playwright does not mention the reason behind the holding of the get-together party; it is true that the party was meant to commemorate the happy times and sorrowful times that they had been sharing together. Joanne, to whom life seemed to be still an active convention, is now getting out of shape with time. She is a pretty girl and one who does not care much about the future. Kate Guyton also displays the same characters. Kate Guyton is later engaged in a marriage relationship with Ted who is revealed as the play’s most lively and puzzling characters but does not show herself. Mary as acted by Regan Thompson changes from a sex maniac young girl to a professional marketer of the same trade. She has an art gallery that deals with erotic art despite being married and one of her best customers is none other than the wandering Ted with whom she has an affair. The girls do not seem to learn anything in school. Mary wishes to be a nurse or a psychologist. Kathy does not want to be anything whereas Joanne goes on being a virgin. Ted is arguably the most active and strange character in this play, though he does not take an active role. When Anneliese van der Pol, who is a cheerleader tried to attract her friends attention to bow to the get-together party every thing does not go smoothly since the boys and other social issues keep getting in the way and as result, Anneliese van der Pol’s confidence on the success of the get-together party is rendered hopeless. However, she tries with all her effort to get back to her friends Joanne and Mary. Due to this situation, the playwright uses Kirshenbaum’s music to reflect the kind of dilemma she was undergoing. The young women appear to be in confused states of mind than there before and do not even show the character of leadership despite having been cheerleaders before. Joanne plans a wedding with her former high school sweetheart but at the same time, Mary also plans to travel to Europe in summer. Kathy still doubts the fact that her former friend and schoolmate have married a woman who is already. As a result of this she gets disappointed with men. Mary then comes in to console her friend from her disappointment. This clearly displays the obvious strained relationship of the three girls in this reunion party. The character of cheerleading learned at high school seems to have ended there. It did not go beyond the school gate. At the time the play goes to New York City, the three actresses had been completely changed in their characters from which they had when they were together. Mary who is a prostitute gets angry of her friend Joanne because of her decision to become a housewife and a mother. This problem disturbs Joanne but later reveals it when she gets drunk. The trio-actresses have strong and appealing voices. However, Ms Kennedy looks worried because she has to smoke every time. Or could she be experiencing a difficulty in relating with the others? Probably as they also do not get out of the arena during the short break and they sit at the table of vanity to have time to adjust their makeup. After watching the play I was amazed by the playwrights’ theme of misguided values as shown by the transformation of the characters of the three girls. They experienced overexcitement in high school, life of uncertainty in college and sadness in their final reunion. But is life that vain as the writer tries to show? I don’t think so but it might reflect these trends if the values that one calculates are against the norms or misplaced as the characters reveal. Works cited Heifner Jack â€Å"Vanities† 1963

The Changing Notions Of Children

The Changing Notions Of Children What is a Child? Initially this may appear to be a simple question: we all have some experience of children and childhood, perhaps through family, friends or your own children, most people have close contact and bonds with children. There is also a wealth of people, in many different professions, who work with children of all ages in many types of settings. Also it is impossible to ignore the simple fact that every adult on this planet was, once, a child themselves. It is clear we all have some experience of children and childhood, and most people will have some very clear notions of what childhood is or what it should be. However once you begin to look a little deeper, it becomes far more complex than one might at first imagine: there are many different factors which effect childhood today. This paper will analyse this question further, looking at definitions of a child and how childhood has changed during the twentieth and twenty first century. Taking into account the effect of the media, consumerism, advertising, adults changing attitudes and child related policy, in order to evaluate how these factors have changed and shaped modern childhood More than sixty years ago, in 1948, the majority of the worlds countrys signed up to the United Nations Declaration of Humans Rights (Lee, 2001). This stated that all human beings were entitled to certain basic rights, which no state could remove from them. Furthermore a little over twenty years ago, in 1989, the United Nations passed a further set of rights specifically for children: the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of the Child (Lee, 2001). One might question the reasons behind this extra convention: the original declaration covered all human beings so why would children need their own special set of rights? (Lee, 2001). This gulf between children and adults within global guidelines reflects the trend of viewing adults and children as fundamentally different types of human (Lee, 2001 pg.5). Traditionally the vast majority of societies have considered adults to be complete, constant and self regulating where as the child is seen to be incomplete, changeable and requiring guidance (Lee, 2001). The sociologist Jens Qvortrup (1994) explained this fissure between human adults and human children eloquently by describing adults as human beings and children as human becomings (cited in Lee, 2001 pg. 5). Now this paper will look at different standpoints, which can be used to view the notion of what children and childhood are The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child 1989 defines a child in the following way: a human being below the age of eighteen years unless under the law applicable to the child, majority is attained earlier (UNCRC, Article 1, 1989). This definition of the child would fall under the category of a legal definition; another legal way to define a child would be by using the age of criminal responsibility. The age that a individual becomes criminally responsible varies greatly from country to country, in England and Wales the age was raised to ten years old in 1963, it had previously been eight (Children and Young Persons Act 1963, section16). However until the Crime and Disorder Act 1998 the law presumed that children under fourteen were doli incapax. Meaning the law regarded them as being incapable of distinguishing the difference between what is right and what is wrong, and therefore could not be convicted of a crime they had committed. Unless the criminal prosecution wer e able to definitively prove that the perpetrator was fully aware that their actions were wrong (Crime and Punishment Act 1998, section 34). The age of criminal responsibility imposed by England and Wales and the even lower age of eight in Scotland, are the lowest within the European Union. The UN Committee on the Rights of the Child has criticised the UK for the low ages imposed: stating article three of the UNCRC which requires that during criminal proceedings the childs best interests must be held in primary consideration (Broadbridge, 2009). Another perspective to look at when defining the child would be to study the concept from a sociological standpoint. What does the term child and childhood mean to society? What is their notion of a child? These are complex questions and the answers will inevitably vary depending on the country and culture one is studying. Michael Wyness (2006) used the playing-child construction to define childhood: this encompasses the notion that childhood equals a time of play, without responsibilities. By using this definition Wyness also offers a definition for adulthood: if childhood can be characterised through a lack of work therefore adulthood can be characterised as being a time for work and responsibility (Wyness, 2006 pg. 9). This would suggest that childhood is a socially constructed phenomena based on the ideas that people within a given society hold. This notion of childhood being a social construction is not a new idea: the French historian Philippe Arià ©s (1960) has also suggested that childhood is a fairly recent construction of society. Arià ©s claimed that until the fifteen century children in Western Europe were considered as miniature adults and therefore believed to have similar mental abilities and personal qualities as adults. Although due to their smaller physical presence they were viewed as physically inferior compared to a fully grown adult (Montgomery, Woodhead, 2002). Philippe Arià ©s work, Centuries of Childhood (first published 1960), was influential in attracting academic consideration towards the study of childhood; however his work has been subject to plentiful criticisms. Such as how he drew his conclusions about medieval society through the means of studying art from the period. Due to the subjective nature of art, studying a society in this way may give an inaccurate picture of how that society viewed a particular subject. A further criticism was the lack of explanation for the change in attitudes towards children (Hill, M, Tisdall, K, 1997). A society which views children as being a completely different type of human being compared to adults, will believe that the child has different needs to be fulfilled than the adults within their society. One example of this can be seen in prosperous areas of the industrialised world, where a wealth of products are available which are exclusively tailored for children. Items such as toys, clothes, cots, food stuffs and medicine are just a snippet of the vast array of child centred paraphernalia adults will encounter in various retail outlets (Montgomery, Woodhead, 2002). As well as these rather necessary commodities, there is also an overwhelming range of products designed for entertaining children. There are books, magazines and television channels; holidays and theme parks; educational software and computer games. These are just some of the things available which cater for children, turning childhood into a lucrative, commercialized business (Montgomery, Woodhead, 2002). The increasing trend in this type of consumerism aimed at children, has further led to a massive growth in advertising aimed at children. Companies now spend huge amounts of money per annum on advertising their brand to children, whereas comparatively twenty years ago the budget for this type of advertising would have been virtually nonexistent (Dunn, Layard, 2009). Research has shown that brand loyalty develops in children from a very early age: studies have shown that even children as young as two will treat a new toy differently depending on whether that child has been exposed to the toy previously through the means of advertising on television. Once they reach the age of three children tend to prefer leading branded products, which are subject to mass media marketing compared to a non branded product which tastes exactly the same (Dunn, Layard, 2009). The purpose of advertising is obviously to make the consumer desire a certain item or brand over any other similar items availab le. However advertising also has the knock on effect of making people, adults and children alike feel that they need more materialistic items than they would otherwise believe. This can leave parents feeling that they need to spend more and more money in order to make their children happy; in a survey conducted by the Childrens Society nine out of ten parents stated that advertising pressurised them into spending more than they could realistically afford (Dunn, Layard, 2009). Consumerism also has negative effects for the child; a major study was conducted in 2004 by Juliet Schor, into the effects of the media and consumerism on children. Her study has found that; if all other aspects of a childs life were equal, high exposure to media would led a child to be more materialistic, having problems relating the their parents and being at higher risk of mental health issues. These risks increase even more for children from disadvantaged backgrounds, who are living with little household i ncome to being with (Dunn, Layard, 2009). Childrens experience of childhood in the twenty first century will differ vastly from even their own parents experiences just one generation before them. This is partly due to the change in childrens leisure activities which in the last decade have shifted to included much less physically active pursuits (Dunn, Layard, 2009). Studies have shown that children are spending less time than ever before pursuing physical activities. Physically inactive pursuits such as: television, video gaming and the internet becoming ever more popular (Dunn, Layard, 2009 pg.54). This bloom in new technologies has brought a wealth of knowledge and entertainment to our finger tips. However it has also been linked with increases in three dangers: encouraging the discourse that wealth and beauty equals happiness; encouraging aggressive models of relationships and that it encourages less physical activity and unhealthy lifestyles (Dunn, Layard, 2009). The change in adults attitudes towards what pursuits can be considered safe for children is one reason for this decline in the amounts of physical, outdoor activity undertaken by modern children. Through the media, vast amounts of information regarding child murder cases are made available and easily accessible to the general public, resulting in these cases being more prominent in peoples thoughts (Dunn, Layard, 2009). This leads people to believe that the number of children being murdered, especially being murdered by strangers has been steadily increasing over time; however this isnt the case. Home office statistics show that the risk of children being murdered by a stranger are very minimal, averaging approximately eleven per year shows that for the vast majority of adults their fears for childrens safety are unfounded (Dunn, Layard, 2009). In fact a child is at much greater risk within their own home. The NSPCC believe that for each generation more than one thousand children w ill be killed before adulthood, most at the hands of a violent parent or carer (Cunningham, 2006 p.235). These high profile cases in the media have also led to childrens rights becoming more prominent within societies and indeed also the Governments thoughts. There has been a deluge of child related policy passed through the UK government, reflecting how attitudes towards children have changed; children are being viewed as separate beings that have individual needs and are in need of protection. Just one of these policies is the Children Act 2004; this Act was developed and implemented following the findings of Lord Lamings 2003 inquiry into the tragic death of Victoria Climbià ©, who died in 2002 (Duffy, Pugh, 2010). In response to the Laming report the government published the Green Paper Every Child Matters (DfES, 2003); the prime minister at the time, Tony Blair, described it as the most significant development for children for more than thirty years (Duffy, Pugh, 2010 p.9). The overall outcomes that the Green Paper and the consequent Children Act of 2004 hoped to achieve was to improve the expectations of all children, narrowing the fissure between high and low achievers via the means of reconfiguring the services available for children and families (Duffy, Pugh, 2010). The Act also set out five outcomes which all children, right from birth until the age of eighteen, should be able to achieve. These five outcomes are: to be healthy, to be protected from all forms of harm, to enjoy and achieve in their lives, to be able to contribute positively within their society and finally the ability to achieve economic wellbeing (Anning, Ball, 2008). Whilst the intention of this Act appear to hold a childs well being as paramount in its agenda, some professionals have voiced concerns over potential negative side effects, it might present for the most vulnerable of children (Womack, 2006). Under the Act a massive database containing information on all twelve million children living in England and Wales was created (Womack, 2006). Experts in the field of safeguarding children have suggested that the sheer amount of data recorded in this database, will make it easier for genuine cases of child neglect and abuse to slip through the net. Under a system that detects threat to a child, in even in the most trivial of matters, may mean a child under serious threat of harm will not be identified (Womack, 2006). When services are already looking for the needle in a haystack is it really useful to make the haystack even bigger? (Womack, 2006) Having looked at the legal and sociological perspectives of childhood and having taken into account the influence of the media, consumerism, advertising, adult attitudes and child related policy. The focus of this paper will now turn to look at the feelings and ideas that children have about what it means to be a child Wendy Stainton-Rogers conducted interviews with children from around the world as part of research for a book about childhood (Stainton-Rogers cited in Montgomery, Woodhead, 2002). In these interviews children were asked, what did being a child mean to them? One child aged eight, when interviewed and asked this question replied: Im a child because, if I was a baby I would still be small. And, and now Im a child because Im not a baby any more. Because Im, because Im grown up. And a baby is sort of like, is like almost one year old, two years old or three years old (Stainton Rogers cited in Montgomery, Woodhead, 2002 pg.7). This statement appears to show that the child questioned was somewhat confused as to exactly what a child is. They had some clear thoughts about what made them a child, but appeared hesitant in being able to justify their thoughts. Another child stated that they felt that they would become an adult after their bat mitzvah, saying that after that they would feel mo re grown up (Stainton Rogers cited in Montgomery, Woodhead, 2002 pg.7). This suggests that a childs religion will impact their feelings of what it means to be a child: that childhood ends with certain religious rites of passage. One child felt that a child was somebody who was still learning and being moulded into an adult (Stainton Rogers cited in Montgomery, Woodhead, 2003 pg.7). The answer that this child gave would fit in very well with a socially constructed model of childhood: that the purpose of childhood is for the adult members of a society to shape and mould children into acceptable members of society for the future. From completing the research for this paper, it has become clear that there is no single, universal answer to the question what is a child. Both childrens and adults views on childhood and what it means to be a child will vary vastly depending on culture, religion and the country where they live. To state that a child is a human being under the age of eighteen simply just isnt enough. Children are all individuals and no two will ever be the same just as no two adults ever will be. In order for children to be happy and grow into well rounded, balanced adults their individual needs have to be met and to be protected from serious harm. It is wrong for adult society to simply believe that a child is just an unfinished lump of clay in need of sculpting in order to become the adults society expects for the future. Children should be seen as important members within all societies, whom have the ability to positively contribute to the society in which they live. .

Health Promotion Strategies for Smoking Cessation

Health Promotion Strategies for Smoking Cessation Drawing on appropriate literature, provide a critical analysis of the application of health promotion philosophies, principles and approaches underpinning public health practice in relation to a relevant topic (e.g. any public health policy in the UK) The chosen public health topic is smoking. The student has selected this subject because it is a current issue of particular relevance because of the prohibition to premises becoming smoke- free if they are open to the public, due to be enforced in England in July 2007 (Health Act 2006). Smoking is also an important topic because it has been identified as the single most significant public health problem in the UK (Royal College of Physicians 2000); approximately 114,000 smokers in the UK die as a result of smoking (Action on Smoking and Health 2005). The treatment of smoking- related conditions costs the National Health Service (NHS) up to  £1.7 billion per year with an estimated cost of  £1.7 million to British industry every year as the result of lost working hours caused by smoking- related illness (Gommans 2005). According to Tannahill (1985) health promotion is a broad concept which encompasses health education and health prevention. Health education refers to working with groups and individuals to promote healthy behaviours, whereas health prevention refers to strategies which prevent ill- health such as immunisation. Public health is defined as: ‘The science and art of preventing disease, prolonging life and promoting health through organised efforts of society’ (Acheson 1988) This definition implies a collective approach; however public health has been criticised as being medically dominated (McPherson 2001). Philosophies of health promotion provide a framework for exploring our rationale and justification for wanting to change health- related behaviour. Seedhouse (2002) refers to health promotion as a ‘moral endeavour’; in other words health professionals are required to make judgments about if, how and when to intervene in relation to the health behaviours of patients, clients and service users, taking into account individual needs and priorities. In some cases health behaviours affect not only the individual but others, also; this applies to the effects of secondary smoking, for example. Taking into account the secondary effects of health behaviours may impact upon the ‘moral endeavour’ of health professionals and health policy makers. Moral judgements underpin the work of health professionals; the student recalls an incident when a lady aged 100 who had smoked all of her adult life and who clearly did not have long to live, asked to be helped to smoke a cigar ette. This simple act gave her pleasure and it seemed irrational and unkind not to respond to her request. Moral judgements are not always straightforward. Philosophical principles applicable to health promotion include logic; the development of reasoned argument (Naidoo and Wills 2000a). Our arguments for changing health-related behaviour are evidence- based involving for example, the type of statistics about smoking highlighted in para 1 of this page. There is a large body of evidence which supports the argument that smoking is damaging to health and yet, as discussed further on (para.2, p.4), it can be seen that individuals do not always respond to logical reasoned argument in relation to modifying health- behaviours. Epistemology, another philosophical principle, is concerned with the debate about truth, in this case exploring what health really means. There are different models of health including the medical and social models. The medical model is concerned with the categorisation of illness and disease and with specific medical interventions given by the ‘expert’ (the health professional) to the patient, who has traditionally been a passive recipient of this expert advice and intervention. A social model of health involves a broader interpretation of health which is influenced by a range of determinants, such as age, gender, socioeconomic factors, education and environment. Within this model, strategies to improve health status adopt a wider perspective than the medical model, seeking to address the aforementioned determinants. In relation to health promotion, the medical model might not take into consideration, factors which affect the individual’s behaviour such as their socioeconomic status. There is evidence that smoking behaviour is more prevalent among more disadvantaged socioeconomic groups (Gulliford et al 2003). It is important therefore to take into consideration this and other, factors when developing health promotion strategies and not to reduce the issue to one of the giving and receiving of information with an assumption that behaviour will be modified as a result. Health promotion philosophies are also concerned with ethics. The theory of ethics is divided into two main categories: deontological and consequential. Deontology is concerned with our duty to behave according to a set of moral principles. On page 1, paragraph 5, the issues/ dilemmas involved for health professionals in making moral judgements, were referred to. Consequential ethics are based on the premise that a judgment about whether an action is right or wrong is dependent on its end result, in other words whether the ends justify the means. This has some interesting implications for health promotion. Further on (p.4) some health promotion strategies are discussed including a debate about the use of legislation, i.e. enforcement, to bring about health- related behavioural change. As stated earlier (para.1, p.1) this issue is of particular relevance to smoking. The argument for enforcement is that the end result of reducing smoking behaviours and resultant improvement in health s tatus as well as savings made to the cost of healthcare, justifies the prohibition legislation. Broad approaches to health promotion reflect the models of health referred to (para. 2 on this page) and are categorised by Naidoo and Wills (2000b) as medical/ preventative; behavioural change; educational; empowerment and social change. Within the medical approach there are three levels of prevention: primary, secondary and tertiary. To apply these specifically to smoking; the primary level aims to prevent smoking behaviour before it begins, the secondary level is concerned with preventing the recurrence of a smoking- related illness or disease by encouraging the patient to give up smoking and the tertiary level is about promoting quality of life within a chronic condition such as diabetes, in which case the message would be that the individual’s quality of life would be optimised if they do not smoke. The behavioural approach focuses on lifestyle issues (Laverack 2004) Emphasis is placed upon the individual’s responsibility for health which does not take into account factors outwith the individual’s control and as such, this approach has been criticised for being ‘victim- blaming’ (Tones and Tilford 2001), shifting responsibility away from the government for example, in relation to individual health status. The educational approach is less about placing responsibility on individuals in relation to their health- related behaviours and more about giving information and facilitating people to make informed choices about their lifestyle choices. This approach relates to the rational- empirical strategy described further on (para. 2, p.4) as it is based on the assumption that giving people information will lead to attitudinal and behavioural change. As will be seen, this does not always happen. This approach is also dependent on a level of concordance from the individual, for example a commitment to attend regular sessions as part of an educational programme. The empowerment approach reflects the normative- re-educative strategy described further on (para. 4, p. 4) and entails giving people the means to have increased control over the determinants that affect their health status. This involves community participation, a collective approach which is embedded within the philosophy of public health. According to Laverack (2004) there can be different interpretations of what constitutes a ‘community’. We tend to think in terms of a geographical community; a locality. It might be more effective in health promotion terms to think of a community as a group with shared characteristics, such as young people. The reality of community participation is that it tends to be more evident among communities who are educated and higher up the socioeconomic scale. People who are disadvantaged are less lilkely to be motivated to participate in health- related programmes- they may feel marginalised and are preoccupied with the issues that their s ituation presents, such as concerns about housing and income; health promotion is not viewed as a priority, and smoking might be used as a means of helping them to cope with adversity (Hanson Hoffman 1998). This leads onto the notion of the social change approach. This is quite a complex concept that involves health promotion initiating and driving social change in order to improve conditions that are conducive to health (Erben et al 2000). Social change would involve making the sorts of improvements that would place health issues more firmly on everybody’s agenda. There are many factors that contribute to social change such as legislation and shifts in ideas about codes of behaviour. For example, attitudes about sexual behaviour have changed over the years, contributing to health issues such as increased incidence of sexually transmitted disease and a rise in teenage pregnancies (Measor et al 2000). There is some indication that social attitudes to smoking have changed (Moonie 2005) which is arguably, a positive development; some smokers report that they feel like social pariahs! The social change approach is underpinned by an acknowledgement of the complexity of what influences health- related behaviours and can be linked to the social model of health, discussed in para. 2, p.2. Specific health promotion methods are quite diverse including: giving information in a didactic manner, for example via talks to large groups; lobbying local health and Government authorities; making use of the mass media (for example there is currently a television information advertisement about the early signs of myocardial infarction); working with groups; teaching social or life skills that are related to health status; publicity events, e.g. health fairs; facilitating community groups; enforcing health regulation; one to one advice and education; networking and liaising with other workers; instructing on specific techniques, such as self-administration of insulin; facilitating self help groups and enabling health promotion by the provision of support services such as childcare and interpreting facilities (Naidoo and Wills 2000c). Most of these methods can be adapted for use with smoking cessation. The change strategies framework by Bennis (1976) can be applied to health behavioural change and is of particular relevance to anti- smoking legislation. It includes three strategies for bringing about change which are based on different assumptions about human behaviour, and which, when applied to health promotion, involve three distinctly different approaches. The first strategy (rational- empirical), is based on the supposition that ‘knowledge is power’. Within this strategy it is assumed that an individual will modify their health- related behaviour in response to receiving reliable and valid information. For example, if the government or a health professional issues advice about the dangers of smoking, the individual should reduce or cease their smoking habit. It is well- known that this often does not happen; even some health professionals smoke, despite their level of knowledge about the dangers (McKenna 2001). The reasons for this are usually related to dependenc e. It is also possible that human beings adopt Freudian mental defence mechanisms, which are maladaptive coping strategies used (in this instance) to circumvent evidence of the negative consequences of a health- related behaviour, such as smoking. These include denial, intellectualisation (which involves citing contradictory evidence), or rationalisation, among others (Lupton 1995). Resorting to these defences can undermine the power of knowledge and evidence, however valid and reliable it is. The second strategy (power- coercive) involves the use of legislation and policy change in order to enforce health- related change. A good example of this is the anti- smoking legislation referred to in paragraph 1, page 1. There is some evidence to demonstrate that no- smoking policies do have the effect of reducing smoking behaviour (Brigham et al 1994). There has been criticism of the legislation as it is seen by some as an infringement of the individual’s right to choose. However this view is countered by the argument that the health of non- smokers can be adversely affected by cigarette smoke, and these people have the right to be protected (HM Treasury 2004). It appears that many non- smokers feel that they should be safeguarded from the effects of passive smoking (Pilkington et al 2006). The first two strategies adopt a ‘top- down’ approach whereas the third strategy (normative- re-educative) is based on the assumption that an individual is more likely to change their health- related behaviour if they have had involvement in bringing about the change; if they feel empowered. This approach underpins some of the health promotion strategies referred to in para. 1 of this page; for example facilitating community groups. However as discussed earlier (para. 2, p.3), it seems likely that community participation and empowerment might be of limited value within certain groups, such as people who are disadvantaged or marginalised. In conclusion, it appears that a multi- faceted approach needs to be adopted in order to address health- behaviours which are harmful to health, in this instance smoking. The starting point is that there is incontrovertible evidence that smoking is harmful to health, and can lead to premature death, as cited in para.1, p.1. The question of whether we have the right to choose to smoke can be challenged because of the evidence- base that demonstrates that smoking can affect the health of others (para. 3, p. 4). However it is important to recognise that people who smoke need adequate support and resources in order to be able to stop. There is existing evidence that legislative and policy change can reduce smoking behaviours (para. 3, p.4) and it will be interesting to see the outcomes of the current legislation (para. 1, p. 1). However, smokers also need clear, unambiguous messages about the effects of smoking, consistent support from health professionals and accessible information abou t smoking cessation services (Kerr et al 2006). References Acheson D. Independent Inquiry into Inequalities in Health: Report. London Stationery Office 1988. Action on Smoking and Health Factsheet No. 2. Smoking Statistics: Illness and Death. ASH 2005. Bennis et al The Planning of Change Holt Rinehart and Winston 1976 Brigham J, Gross J, Stitzer M and Felch L Effects of a restricted work-site smoking policy on employees who smoke. Am J Public Health. 84(5): 1994 pp. 773–778. Department of Health. Health Act 2006. Part 1 Chapter 1. 2006. Erben R, Franzkowiak P and Wenzel E. People empowerment vs. social capital: from health promotion to social marketing. Health Promotion Journal of Australia. 9(3) 2000 pp. 179-182 Gommans J, Bunton J and MacDonald G. Health Promotion: 2nd Edition. Routledge. 2005. p.189. Gulliford M, Sedgwick J and Pearce A. Cigarette smoking, health status, socio-economic status and access to health care in diabetes mellitus: a cross-sectional survey. BMC Health Service Research 2003 pp. 3: 4. Hanson Hoffman. Recovery from Smoking Second Edition: Quitting with the 12 Step Process Revised Second Edition. Hazelden. P.1 Kerr S, Watson H, Tolson D, Lough M and Brown M. Smoking after the age of 65 years: a qualitative exploration of older current and former smokers views on smoking, stopping smoking, and smoking cessation resources and services. Health and Social Care in the Community. 14(6) 2006 pp. 572-582, Laverack G. Health Promotion Practice: Building Empowered Communities. Sage publications. 2004. pp. 21, 22, 44. Lupton D. The Imperative of Health: public health and the regulated body. Sage Publications. 1995. p. 111. Mckenna H, Slater P, McCance T, Bunting B, Spiers A and McElwee G. Qualified nurses smoking prevalence: their reasons for smoking and desire to quit. Journal of Advanced Nursing. 35(5). 2001. pp.769-75 McPherson K. Public health does not need to be led by doctors: for. BMJ. 30; 322(7302) 2001 p.3–1596. Measor L, Tiffin C and Miller K. Young Peoples Views on Sex Education: Education, Attitudes and Behaviour. Routledge 2000. p.4. Moonie N (Ed.) GCE AS Level Health and Social Care Double Award Book. Harcourt Heinemann. 2005. p.29 Naidoo J. Wills J. Health Promotion: foundations for practice (2nd edition). London, Baillià ¨re Tindall 2000. pp. 113 Pilkington P, Gray S. Gilmore and A. Daykin N. Attitudes towards second hand smoke amongst a highly exposed workforce: survey of London casino workers. Journal of Public Health. 28(2) 2006 pp.104-110 Royal College of Physicians. Nicotine addiction in Britain: A report of the Tobacco Advisory Group of the Royal College of Physicians. RCP 2000. Seedhouse D. Ethics: the heart of healthcare. Second Edition. John Wiley and Sons.. 2002. Chapter 2 Tannahill A What is Health Promotion? Health Education Journal 44(4) 1985 pp. 167-8 Tones K and Green J Health Promotion: Planning and Strategies. Sage Publications. 2004. p. 16. Tones K and Tilford S. Health Promotion: effectiveness, efficiency and equity. Nelson Thornes. 2001. p. 28. Total word count 2752

The Flea - John Donne :: essays research papers

John Donne and an Analysis of "The Flea" John Donne was born on Bread Street, London, in 1572. His family was very rich but they were Roman Catholic, not the best group to be a part of at his time, in England. He studied three years at the University of Oxford and three years at Cambridge. He never got a degree because he refused to take the oath of supremacy at graduation time. He then studied law and was on his way to be a diplomat. He wrote a book of poems, Satires, after his brother died of fever in prison after offering sanctuary to a proscribed catholic priest. He then wrote a series of love poems in Songs and Sonnets. In 1596, he joined a naval campaign against Spain and when he came back, 2 years later, he became secretary to Sir Thomas Egerton. Just as he started doing well, he secretly married Egerton's niece, Anne More, and when discovered, he was thrown in jail along with the two friends who had helped in his secret relationship. Anne's family helped them and a few years later, Donne reconciliated with Sir Thomas and was finally given the dowry he was owed. He lived the next few years as a lawyer and lived a poor existence. He then wrote two anti-Catholic poems that got him the king's favor and started working Sir Robert Drury of Hawstead, who gave him an appartment in his castle for writing a beautiful eulogy for his 15 year old daughter. Donne and his wife had 12 children, 7 of which survived and in 1617, Anne died at age 33, while giving birth to a stillborn child. He wrote the Holy Sonnets. He was made vicar in 1625 but suffered from severe infections of the mouth which caused his death in 1931. He would've become a bishop in 1930. Before his death, he preached his own funeral sermon, Death's Duel. His last piece was The Hymn to God, my God, in my sicknesse. Donne is a very witty poet. In The Flea, like in many other poems, he tries to convince a young woman to sleep with him. He compares giving up her virginity her virginity to the size of a flea go show how "unimportant" it is. "It suck'd me first and now sucks thee" is used in the first stanza to argue that because their bloods are mixed inside the flea, they are married and therefore, making love would not be a sin.